10.75- 人民委员们

大家好，欢迎收听《革命》。

Hello, and welcome to Revolutions.

第10.75集，《人民委员》。

Episode 10.75, The People's Commissars.

上次我们终于迎来了关键时刻。

So last time, we finally reached zero hour.

布尔什维克现已掌权。

The Bolsheviks have now come to power.

但正如我上周结束时所说，只有事后回顾，我们才知道1917年十月事件对俄国历史和世界历史有多重要。

But as I said at the end of last week, it was only in retrospect that we know how important the events of October 1917 were to the history of Russia and the history of the world.

当时许多人，包括不少布尔什维克成员，都认为布尔什维克不具备维持政权所需的人员、支持、才能、资源或民意基础。

Lots of people at the time, including a fair number of Bolsheviks, did not think the Bolsheviks had the personnel, the support, the talent, the wherewithal, or the popularity to actually survive in power.

美国记者约翰·里德在10月25日后几天旁观局势时曾说，资产阶级暂时蛰伏，等待时机，而这个时机不会太远。

The American journalist John Reed, observing things from the wings in the days after October 25, said the bourgeoisie lay low, abiding its hour, which could not be far off.

除了列宁、托洛茨基、彼得格勒工人和朴素的士兵们，没人想过布尔什维克能执政超过三天。

That the Bolsheviks would remain in power longer than three days never occurred to anybody, except perhaps to Lenin, Trotsky, the Petrograd workers, and the simpler soldiers.

布尔什维克在数万名士兵、水手、工人和彼得格勒赤卫队的支持下夺取了政权，但他们声称代表全俄苏维埃代表大会及其所谓代表的数百万俄罗斯人民行使这一权力。

The Bolsheviks took power with the support of tens of thousands of soldiers, sailors, workers, and red guards in Petrograd, but they claimed that power on behalf of the All Russian Congress of Soviets and the millions of Russians it allegedly represented.

布尔什维克的演讲和宣言强调他们代表帝国数百万工人、士兵和农民发声，但这与现实并不完全吻合。

Bolshevik speeches and proclamations emphasized that they spoke on behalf of the workers, soldiers, and peasants of the empire in their many millions, but this did not exactly line up with reality.

坦率地说，俄罗斯帝国的大多数人从未听说过布尔什维克这种东西。

Most people in the Russian Empire, frankly, had never heard of such a thing as a Bolshevik.

但正如我们在两集前讨论过的，列宁和托洛茨基并不太在乎他们在1917年10月并未获得实际的民众多数支持。

As we talked about two episodes back though, Lenin and Trotsky did not much care that they did not command an actual popular majority in October 1917.

他们相信，夺取政权这一行为本身——更重要的是他们如何运用夺取的权力——将为他们赢得所需的一切民众支持。

They believed that the seizure of power itself, and more importantly, how they wielded the power they had seized, would earn them all the popular support they would ever need.

因此，他们掌权后的头几天就颁布了大胆法令，旨在赢得四个关键群体的支持：农民、士兵、工人和少数民族群体。

So they spent their first days in power issuing bold decrees designed to win the support of four critical groups, the peasants, the soldiers, the workers, and the minority nationality groups.

二月革命曾给这四个群体带来了希望、梦想和抱负4抱负，但这些都被根本上无能的临时政府所阻碍、推迟和拖延。

The February revolution had given each of these four groups hopes and dreams and ambitions, which had been stymied, put off, and delayed by the fundamentally ineffective provisional government.

布尔什维克认为，只要他们兑现革命承诺，就没有理由不相信他们会成为最受欢迎的政治党派。

The Bolsheviks believed that if they delivered on the promises of the revolution, there was no reason to believe they would not become the most popular political party.

毕竟，这四个群体构成了俄罗斯帝国的绝大多数人口。

Those four groups, after all, made up the vast majority of the population of the Russian Empire.

10月26日晚，第二届苏维埃代表大会重新召开，此时社会革命党和孟什维克已因前一天的退场而缺席，会议完全由布尔什维克和左翼社会革命党人组成。

The Second Congress of Soviets reconvened on the evening of October 26, now shed of the SRs and Mensheviks who had walked out the day before and composed entirely of Bolsheviks and left SRs.

他们立即投入工作。

They got right to work.

首要问题，毫无疑问是和平问题。

The first thing, above all, was the question of peace.

为了立即赢得所有士兵和水手的支持，苏维埃代表大会通过了《和平法令》，该法令呼吁——我在此引用——‘立即实现不割地不赔款的和平’。

So to immediately win over all those soldiers and sailors out there, the Congress of Soviets approved the Decree on Peace, which called for, and I'm quoting here, immediate peace without annexations, I.

即不侵占他国领土，不强行吞并其他民族，也不索取战争赔款。

E, without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible incorporation of foreign nations, and without indemnities.

法令还声明：‘政府认为，这场关于如何由强国富国瓜分所侵占弱小民族的战争继续拖延下去，是对人类犯下的滔天罪行’，并庄严宣布‘决心立即签署和平条款，按上述条件终止战争’。

The decree also said, the government considers it the greatest crime against humanity to continue this war over the issues of how to divide among the strong and rich nations, the weak nationalities they have conquered, and solemnly announces its determination immediately to sign terms of peace to stop the war on the terms indicated.

法令宣称：‘在缔结全面和约前，政府建议各交战国政府及人民立即停战’。

Until such a peace was signed, the decree said, the government proposes an immediate armistice to the governments and peoples of all belligerent countries.

因此，《和平法令》旨在争取最重要的支持群体——那些厌倦战斗与死亡的士兵和水手们。

So the decree on peace was aimed at that most vital of constituencies, all the soldiers and sailors out there who were sick of fighting and sick of dying.

布尔什维克一直是反战党派，如今他们有机会结束战争，便计划付诸实施。

The Bolsheviks had always been the anti war party, and now that they had a chance to end the war, they planned to end the war.

但《和平法令》同时声明：'我们的呼吁必须同时面向政府和人民。'

But the Decree on Peace also said, Our appeal must be addressed both to the governments and to the peoples.

我们不能忽视政府，那会拖延缔结和平的可能性，而人民政府不敢冒这个险。

We cannot ignore the governments, for that would delay the possibility of concluding peace, and the people's government dare not do that.

但我们同样无权不向人民发出呼吁。

But we have no right not to appeal to the peoples at the same time.

要记住，布尔什维克自视为欧洲无产阶级革命的先锋，他们计划在欧洲各国政府拒绝停战时，鼓动欧洲人民效仿他们的行动。

The Bolsheviks, remember, see themselves as the spear tip of a European wide proletarian revolution, and they plan to encourage the people of Europe to follow their lead if their respective governments refused to end the war.

10月26日晚颁布的第二项重要法令是旨在争取农民支持的《土地法令》。

The second major decree on the night of October 26 was the decree on land meant to win the support of the peasantry.

《土地法令》提出了将财产全面移交给农民村庄的激进方案。

The decree on land offered the sweeping transfer of property to the peasant villages.

这是一份简明扼要的四点计划，我将逐一说明。

It was a four point plan that was brief and to the point, and so I'll just go through it.

第一，立即废除土地所有权，不予任何补偿。

One, landed proprietorship is abolished forthwith without any compensation.

第二，所有地主庄园以及皇室、修道院和教会土地，连同其牲畜、农具、建筑及一切附属物，在立宪会议召开前，均交由土地委员会和农民代表苏维埃处置。

Two, the landed estates, as also crown, monastery, and church lands, with all their livestock, implements, buildings, and everything pertaining thereto, shall be placed at the disposal of the land committees and Soviets of peasants' deputies pending the convocation of the constituent assembly.

第三，任何损毁已没收财产（这些财产从此属于全体人民）的行为，都将被革命法庭作为严重罪行予以惩处。

Three, all damage to confiscated property, which henceforth belongs to the whole people, is proclaimed a grave crime to be punished by the revolutionary courts.

苏维埃作为农民代表，将采取一切必要措施确保在没收土地庄园时遵守最严格的秩序，确定庄园规模及应没收的具体庄园，编制所有没收财产的精确清单，并以最严格的革命方式保护所有转交给人民的农业企业，包括其建筑物、工具、牲畜、产品库存等。

The Soviet, a peasant's deputy, shall take all necessary measures to assure the observance of the strictest order during the confiscation of the landed estates, to determine the size of estates, and the particular estates subject to confiscation, to draw up exact inventories of all property confiscated, and to protect in the strictest revolutionary way all agricultural enterprises transferred to the people with all buildings, implements, livestock, stocks of produce, etcetera.

第四，在立宪会议对土地改革作出最终决定前，各地实施重大土地改革时均应以以下农民指令为指导。

Four, the following peasant mandate shall serve everywhere to guide the implementation of the great land reforms until a final decision on the latter is taken by the constituent assembly.

现在，对此有几点说明。

Now, a couple of notes on this.

首先，这不是布尔什维克的土地纲领。

First, this is not the Bolshevik land program.

列宁是国有化和土地合并的坚定拥护者。

Lenin was a staunch believer in nationalization and consolidation.

他从未主张由地方农民委员会直接占有土地，而《土地法令》中概述的正是这一方案。

He had never advocated local peasant committees taking direct possession of the land, which was the program outlined in the decree on land.

一位愤怒的社会革命党成员说道，啊，土地法令。

One outraged SR said, ah, the land decree.

这是我们的法令。

It is our decree.

这是原封不动的社会革命党纲领。

It is the socialist revolutionary program intact.

我党在极其审慎地汇编农民自身意愿后制定了这项政策。

My party framed that policy after the most careful compilation of the wishes of the peasants themselves.

当被问及对布尔什维克将此政策冠以己名发布的看法时，他表示：这是无耻的剽窃。

Asked how he felt about the Bolsheviks putting this out there under their own name, he said, it is an outrage.

但此刻的列宁并不在乎教条主义，甚至对他自己的信条也是如此。

But Lenin didn't care about being doctrinaire at the moment, even about his own doctrines.

布尔什维克需要争取他们从未拥有过的东西——农民群众的大规模支持。

The Bolsheviks needed to secure what they had never had, mass support of the peasantry.

因此他们宣布了一项体现农民所有诉求的纲领：地方对原属该地区的最大庄园实行控制。

So they announced a program that embodied everything the peasants wanted, local control over the former largest states in their area.

当被质疑土地法令不符合他自己的国有化纲领时，列宁表示：这无关紧要。

When challenged that the land decree was not in keeping with his own nationalization program, Lenin said, that is unimportant.

作为民主政府，即使我们与民众意愿存在分歧，也不能简单地忽视大众的愿望。

As a democratic government, we cannot simply ignore the wishes of the popular masses even if we are in disagreement with them.

几天后在彼得格勒苏维埃会议上，列宁会说：社会革命党指责我们窃取了他们的土地纲领。

At a session of the Petrograd Soviet a few days later, Lenin would say, the SRs charge us with stealing their land program.

若果真如此，我们向他们低头认错。

If that was so, we bow to them.

这对我们来说已经足够好了。

It is good enough for us.

布尔什维克实施社会革命党的纲领可能激怒了该党，但对列宁而言，那是他们的问题，不是他的问题。

The Bolsheviks enacting the SR program may have rankled the SR's, but for Lenin, that was their problem, not his.

当社会革命党人在临时政府和苏维埃掌权时，他们拒绝实施其广受欢迎的土地纲领，而这正是布尔什维克宣传的一部分——其他政党无所作为，而我们立即行动，毫不迟疑或道歉。

When the SR's held power in the provisional government and in the Soviets, they had refused to enact their very popular land program, and this was part of the Bolshevik pitch that other parties do nothing while we act now, immediately, without apology or hesitation.

这就是布尔什维克的作风。

That was the Bolshevik way.

这次苏维埃代表大会的最后一项议程是组建新政府。

The last thing to come out of this session of the Soviet Congress was the formation of a new government.

由于右翼社会革命党和孟什维克在前一天退出大会，而左翼社会革命党拒绝参与，大会批准了一个完全由布尔什维克党员组成的政府。

Thanks to the right SRs and Mensheviks walking out of the Congress the day before, and the left SRs declining to participate, the Congress approved a government made entirely of Bolshevik party members.

为与过去决裂，他们拒绝称自己为部长，而是自称为人民委员会。

Declining to call themselves ministers in order to break with the past, they dubbed themselves the Council of People's Commissars.

在布尔什维克中央委员会的坚持下，列宁成为委员会主席——中央委员会绝不能容忍这位领袖无需为后果负责，毕竟正是他不断施压要求他们夺取政权。

Lenin became chairman of the council with the insistence of the Bolshevik Central Committee who were not interested in the chief not being directly on the hook for the consequences of the thing he had so relentlessly pushed them to do, which was seize power.

列宁曾试图让托洛茨基担任内务部长，但托洛茨基婉拒了，称俄罗斯人民不会接受犹太人担任此职。

Lenin tried to make Trotsky minister of the interior, but Trotsky begged off, saying the Russian people would not accept a Jew in that position.

这种琐事有什么要紧的？

Of what importance are such trifles?

列宁问道。

Lenin asked.

托洛茨基回答，世上仍有许多愚昧之人存在。

Trotsky replied, there are still a good many fools left.

列宁对此嗤之以鼻：我们当然不会与愚者为伍。

To which Lennon scoffed, surely we don't step with fools.

但托洛茨基表示，有时必须对愚蠢行为作出让步。

But Trotsky said, sometimes one has to make allowances for stupidity.

最终托洛茨基改任外交人民委员，这个职位或许更适合他。

Instead, Trotsky took over as commissar of foreign affairs, a role which probably better suited him anyway.

我就不逐一列举名单了，只需注意格鲁吉亚人约瑟夫·斯大林被任命为民族事务人民委员。

I won't bore you with the whole list of names except to note that at the bottom, the Georgian Joseph Stalin was made chairman of nationality affairs.

新政府成立并颁布了几项全面法令后，第二次代表大会选举产生了约150人的常设执行委员会，作为列宁新政府的最高权力机构。

With a new government in place and a couple of sweeping decrees proclaimed, the second Congress finished its work by electing a standing executive council of about 150 members to serve as the sovereign host of Lenin's new government.

理论上政府需向苏维埃执委会负责，但这个执委会主席自然是布尔什维克党人加米涅夫，其成员以布尔什维克占绝对多数，左翼社会革命党仅占少数席位。

In theory, the government would be answerable to this executive committee of the Soviet, but this executive committee of the Soviet was, of course, chaired by the Bolshevik Kamenev, composed of a supermajority of Bolshevik members with a minority faction of left SRs.

随着这项工作的完成，第二届全俄苏维埃代表大会于10月27日宣告闭幕，仅存在约48小时，其主要作用是催生了一个完全由革命布尔什维克组成的政权。

With this work done, the second All Russian Congress of Soviets closed up shop on October 27, having existed for just about forty eight hours, serving mainly as the midwife of a regime composed entirely of revolutionary Bolsheviks.

在接下来几周的混乱氛围中，布尔什维克在一片所有人都认为会让他们粉身碎骨的雷区中即兴开辟了道路。

In the chaotic atmosphere of the next few weeks, the Bolsheviks improvised their way through a minefield that everyone assumed would blow them up.

正因他们需要在这片雷区中即兴规划路线，所以并未过多拘泥于立法形式。

And because they needed to improvise a course through this minefield, they did not put a lot of stock in the formalities of legislation.

第二届代表大会正式解散后，法令仅需由列宁或其他政委签署即可发布——其中多数是愿景性质的，因为坦率说布尔什维克并不具备实施这些宣言的实际能力。

After the second Congress formally dissolved, decrees would simply be published signed by Lenin or some other commissar, most of them aspirational because frankly the Bolsheviks didn't have the means to implement most of what they were announcing.

例如10月27日，布尔什维克通过《工人监督条例》草案，向需要争取的四大群体中的第三个群体抛出橄榄枝。

On October 27, for example, the Bolsheviks made their pitch for the third of the four groups they needed to win over with their draft regulations on worker control.

这项八点计划开篇宣告：'所有工业、商业、银行、农业等企业的产品与原材料生产、储存、采购及销售环节，均应实行工人监督'。

It was an eight point plan that started workers' control over the production, storage, purchase, and sale of all products and raw materials shall be introduced in all industrial, commercial, banking, agricultural, and other enterprises.

自此，工人委员会将取代经理和所有者，对工作场所事务拥有最终决定权。

So henceforth, worker committees were supposed to have the final say over what was going on in their workplace, not managers and not owners.

条例进一步规定：'工人与职员选举代表作出的决议对企业主具有强制效力，唯有工会及其代表大会有权予以废止'。

The regulations further said, the decisions of the elected representatives of the workers and office employees are binding upon the owners of enterprises and may be annulled only by trade unions and their congresses.

条例还规定，'当选代表有权查阅所有账册、文件，以及所有仓库和材料、工具、产品的库存，无一例外。'

The regulations also said, The elected representatives shall be given access to all books and documents and to all warehouses and stocks of materials, instruments, products without exception.

所以这一切都非常马克思主义。

So this is all very Marxist.

这些条例正将生产资料交到无产阶级手中。

The regulations are putting the means of production in the hands of the proletariat.

但若细读字里行间，这也承认布尔什维克实际上无力推行比单纯号召工人接管自家工厂、自主管理事务更宏大的计划。

But if you read between the lines, it's also an admission the Bolsheviks don't really have the ability to embark on anything more ambitious than simply telling the workers to take control of their own factories and manage their own affairs for themselves.

同一天，列宁颁布了另一项旨非争取支持而是压制异议的法令。

That same day, Lenin issued another decree not aimed at winning support but on silencing dissent.

这是一项关于出版的法令。

It was a decree concerning the press.

法令称：'在革命及其后续关键时期，临时革命委员会不得不对各类反革命报刊采取一系列措施。'

It said, in the trying critical period of the revolution and the days that immediately followed it, the provisional revolutionary committee was compelled to take a number of measures against the counter revolutionary press of different shades.

法令进一步指出：'众所周知，资产阶级报刊是资产阶级最强大的武器之一，尤其在新政权——工农政权——刚刚确立的关键时刻。'

It further said, everyone knows that the bourgeois press is one of the most powerful weapons of the bourgeoisie, especially at the crucial moment when the new power, the power of workers and peasants, is only affirming itself.

绝不能将这件武器完全留在敌人手中，因为在这种时刻，它比炸弹和机枪更为危险。

It was impossible to leave this weapon wholly in the hands of the enemy, for in such moments, it is no less dangerous than bombs and machine guns.

法令随后列出了政府有权关闭期刊或报纸的三项标准。

The decree then laid out three criteria that would justify the government shutting down a journal or a newspaper.

第一，若其公开号召抵抗或不服从工农政府。

One, if they call for open resistance or insubordination to the workers and peasants government.

第二，通过明显诽谤性歪曲事实来煽动骚乱。

Two, sow sedition through demonstrably slanderous distortion effects.

第三，教唆明显具有犯罪性质的行为。

Three, instigate actions of an obviously criminal, I.

即

E.

应受刑事处罚的

Criminally punishable, nature.

这项法令引发反对派的强烈抗议，甚至招致布尔什维克同情者的不满，因为他们都合理担忧布尔什维克会随意套用这些标准，直接封杀任何反对者。

This decree sent howls through the opposition and even protests from people who were sympathetic to the Bolsheviks because they all quite rightly feared that the Bolsheviks would apply this criteria however they wanted and simply shut down anyone who opposed them.

当布尔什维克用这些法令和公告淹没彼得格勒时，他们遭遇了极其敌意且高声的反对声浪。

As the Bolsheviks flooded Petrograd with these decrees and proclamations, they were met by a very hostile and very vocal opposition.

列宁试图关闭他们的印刷厂是有原因的。

There's a reason Lenin was trying to shut their presses down.

布尔什维克的对手和敌人集结起来，企图扼杀这个新生政权于其怪诞的摇篮之中。

The rivals and enemies of the Bolsheviks gathered to ensure the nascent regime was smothered in its grotesque infancy.

这群人的核心是约300名示威者——他们在10月25日夜晚试图前往冬宫时，曾被威胁要好好教训一顿。

The core of this group was the 300 or so demonstrators who had been threatened with a good spanking when they tried to go to the Winter Palace on the night of October 25.

他们是彼得格勒市议会的主要成员，几乎全是社会革命党人，包括市长。

They were leading members of the Petrograd Municipal Duma, nearly all of whom were SRs, including the mayor of the city.

这些代表包括退出苏维埃大会的代表、来自我们下周将讨论的另一个机构（全俄农民苏维埃代表大会）的代表，以及政府雇员联盟和其他职业工会的领导人，还有零散的社会革命党和孟什维克成员。

The delegates who had walked out of the Soviet Congress, representatives from another assembly that we're gonna talk about next week, which is the All Russian Congress of Peasant Soviets, plus leaders of the Union of Government Employees and other professional unions, and then just also random SRs and Mensheviks.

他们的立场是：发生在斯莫尔尼学院的一切既无效也不合法。

Their position was that whatever was going on over at the Smolny Institute was neither valid nor legitimate.

事实上，他们声称第二届全俄苏维埃代表大会从未真正召开，那里发生的只是布尔什维克的私人集会。

In fact, their claim was that the second All Russian Congress of Soviets had never in fact convened, that what was going on over there was simply a private assembly of Bolsheviks.

他们全部聚集在市杜马的会议厅，宣布自己为'救国救革命委员会'。

They all gathered at the assembly hall of the municipal Duma and declared themselves to be the Committee for the Salvation of the Fatherland and the Revolution.

他们相信自己代表着合法民主的真正精神，对抗布尔什维克的犯罪团伙。

They believed they represented the true spirit of legal democracy against a criminal gang of Bolsheviks.

除其他事项外，救国委员会号召工人罢工，特别是白领专业人士、公务员、官僚、银行家、医生、律师和工程师。

Among other things, the Committee of Salvation put out a call for workers to strike, particularly white collar professionals, functionaries, bureaucrats, bankers, doctors, lawyers, and engineers.

彼得格勒受过教育的专业中产阶级并不支持布尔什维克起义，这一罢工号召得到了热烈响应。

The educated professional middle classes of Petrograd did not support the Bolshevik insurrection, and this call to strike was heated in force.

当布尔什维克政委试图接管各部委领导权时，发现办公室空无一人。

When Bolshevik commissars tried to take over leadership of the various ministries, they found the offices empty.

不仅是人去楼空，许多情况下办公室还被捣毁——打字机被破坏，资金、档案、文件和记录或被销毁或消失。

But not just deserted, also in many cases trashed, typewriters destroyed, funds, files, documents, and records were destroyed or disappeared.

少数出现在中央电报局的工人拒绝传递政委的急件。

The few workers who showed up at the Central Telegraph Agency refused to transmit commissar dispatches.

私营和国有银行都关门歇业，布尔什维克难以找到愿意兑现支票或提供资金的人。

Both private and state banks were closed, and the Bolsheviks struggled to find anyone who would cash checks or provide funds.

在共产党的叙述中，这是资产阶级反革命分子阴险破坏人民政府的例证。

In the communist telling of all this, it's an example of the bourgeois counter revolutionaries nefariously sabotaging the people's government.

但这些人都反对布尔什维克夺取政权。

But all of these people opposed the Bolshevik seizure of power.

他们认为这是非法的，并以列宁的方式回应：为达目的不择手段。

They thought it was illegal, and they responded by playing by the same rules as Lenin, do what it takes to win.

历史一再证明，罢工是实现诉求的有效手段。

History has shown time and again that strikes are a good way to get your way.

他们深知自己不仅是国家机器中不可或缺的齿轮，更是社会运转的关键部件。

They knew they were indispensable cogs, not just in the machinery of state, but in the machinery of society.

白领罢工本身并无特别阴险之处，除非你认为只有一方可以全力博弈而其他人都必须屈服。

There's nothing particularly nefarious about the white collar strike, unless you think that only one side should be allowed to play for keeps while everyone else has to just roll over.

这严重破坏了布尔什维克执政初期管理国家的能力——这正是罢工的目的所在。

It wrecked havoc with the Bolsheviks' ability to run the country in the early days of their rule, which was entirely the point.

就在布尔什维克焦头烂额地应对这场普遍的工作停滞时，他们还面临着更严峻的威胁。

As the Bolsheviks grappled with this generally frustrating work stoppage, they also faced a more acute threat.

主要由孟什维克和社会革命党领导的铁路工人工会威胁要举行罢工，除非布尔什维克同意与其他社会主义政党组建联合政府。

The railway workers union, led primarily by Mensheviks and SRs, threatened to go on strike unless the Bolsheviks agreed to form a coalition government with the other socialist parties.

这是一个必须认真对待的真正威胁。

Now, this was a real threat that had to be taken seriously.

铁路是维系整个帝国命脉的大动脉。

The railroads were the vital artery of the whole empire.

所有人都记得1905年正是铁路工人的罢工迫使尼古拉二世屈服。

Everyone remembered that it was their strike in 1905 that had brought Nicholas to his knees.

他们告诉布尔什维克：要么在我们的主持下与其他政党谈判，要么我们就罢工。

They told the Bolsheviks, either come negotiate with the other parties under our auspices or we will go on strike.

布尔什维克无法忽视这个威胁，于是派加米涅夫作为代表，而列宁和托洛茨基则专注于应对克伦斯基即将到来的军事威胁——我们稍后会谈到这点。

The Bolsheviks could not afford to ignore this threat, so they sent Kamenev over to represent them, while Lenin and Trotsky focused on the looming military threat from Kerensky that we're going to talk about here in a second.

加米涅夫自然是布尔什维克党内最反对本党近期行为、最支持跨党派联盟的人物。

Kamenev was, of course, the Bolshevik most against his own party's recent behavior and most in favor of cross party coalition.

但当他看到对方提出的条件时，连他也被这些极端要求震惊了。

But when he received their terms, even he was shocked by how extreme the demands were.

首先，所有部队必须置于市杜马管辖之下。

First, all troops must be placed under the authority of the municipal Duma.

其次，所有工人必须解除武装，并允许克伦斯基的部队进入城市。

Second, all workers must be disarmed and Kerensky's forces must be allowed to enter the city.

第三，释放所有被捕人员。

Third, all arrested persons released.

第四，解散军事革命委员会。

And four, dissolve the MRC.

这并非联盟或妥协。

This was not coalition or compromise.

这是要求布尔什维克全面投降。

This was a demand for the total capitulation of the Bolsheviks.

其他党派的要求实质上是让他们否定所有行动并放弃所有既得利益。

The demand from the other parties was essentially that they repudiate everything that they had done and give away everything that they had gained.

条件如此一边倒的原因是救国委员会的成员认为布尔什维克撑不过这个星期。

The reason the terms were so one-sided was because the members of the Committee of Salvation did not believe the Bolsheviks would last the week.

他们所能调遣的军事力量——军事革命委员会、赤卫队以及广大工人——当时正深陷于一场集体酗酒的狂潮中。

What military forces they had at their disposal, the MRC, the Red Guards, and the workers generally, were currently in the midst of succumbing to an epidemic of mass drunkenness.

随着士兵和工人的革命如火如荼地展开，彼得格勒的酒窖被狂热地洗劫一空。

With the revolution of soldiers and workers now in full swing, the wine cellars of Petrograd were raided with enthusiastic abandon.

工人们喝得烂醉如泥。

Workers got wasted.

士兵们喝得酩酊大醉。

Soldiers got wasted.

水手们都喝得烂醉。

Sailors got wasted.

男人们都喝得烂醉。

Men got wasted.

女人们都喝得烂醉。

Women got wasted.

所有人都喝得烂醉。

Everyone got wasted.

10月25日晚逮捕临时政府的军事革命委员会领导人阿纳托夫，立刻察觉到了这个问题。

Anatov, the MRC leader who had arrested the provisional government on the night of October 25, noticed the problem right away.

他说，冬宫商贩的问题尤为严重。

The problem was particularly serious with the sellers at the Winter Palace, he said.

负责看守的一个团喝得酩酊大醉，完全丧失了作用。

One regiment, which had been put in charge of guarding them, got drunk and became quite useless.

另一个团也重蹈覆辙。

Another regiment went the same way.

这种模式在接下来的数日、数周乃至数月里不断重演。

This pattern repeated for the next several days and several weeks and several months.

本该看守或销毁酒窖的人，反而自己喝光库存，还把余酒倒卖给等候的人群。

Those who were supposed to guard or destroy caches of booze just drank it down and then sold off the excess to waiting crowds.

『喝光罗曼诺夫王朝的存酒』成了当时的流行口号。

Let's drink the Romanov leftovers was the order of the day.

坊间还流传着大量谣言和轶闻，说大批酒水莫名凭空出现——可能是布尔什维克的敌人为了让工人士兵沉溺于致命狂欢而提供的。

There were also plenty of rumors and anecdotes out there that mass quantities of booze were just suddenly appearing out of the blue, possibly supplied by the enemies of the Bolsheviks to keep the workers and soldiers on a fatal bender.

布尔什维克在彼得格勒内部焦头烂额之际，还不得不应对悬在头顶的巨大威胁。

With the Bolsheviks grappling with all this inside Petrograd, they also had to deal with a great hammer looming over everything.

亚历山大·克伦斯基于10月25日下午悄悄离开彼得格勒，前往尼古拉二世签署退位诏书的普斯科夫。

Alexander Kerensky had slipped out of Petrograd on the afternoon of October 25 and gone to Peskov, where Nicholas had signed his abdication.

抵达后，他试图集结军队帮助他从'罪犯布尔什维克'手中夺回首都。

Once there, he tried to rally troops to help him retake the capital from the criminal Bolsheviks.

他还发布了一系列浮夸的公告，重申自己的权威，否认任何关于他被赶下台的说法。

He also issued his own flurry of grandiose proclamations, reiterating his authority and rejecting any claim that he had been driven out of power.

但问题在于——这也是整件事的核心矛盾——

But here's the rub, and this remains the rub of the whole thing.

根本无人响应他的号召。

No one responded to this call.

没人愿意为克伦斯基而战。

No one wanted to fight for Kerensky.

他唯一能说服的只有彼得·克拉斯诺夫将军——科尔尼洛夫的右翼盟友，曾参与数月前科尔尼洛夫事件的第三骑兵军指挥官。

The only person he could convince was General Pyotr Krasnov, a right wing ally of Kornilov and the commander of the third Cavalry Corps, which was the same corps that had been dispatched to Petrograd a few months earlier during the Kornilov affair.

该军团的士兵对克伦斯基毫无好感，他们认为他背叛了可敬的科尔尼洛夫，并导致了他们敬重的指挥官之死——你可能还记得，那位指挥官在该事件尾声时举枪自尽。

The men of this corps had no love for Korenski, who they felt betrayed the honorable Kornilov and caused the death of their esteemed commander, who, you will recall from the end of that episode, shot himself in the heart.

尽管士兵们态度冷淡，克拉斯诺夫将军仍同意将他们交由克伦斯基调遣。

But though the men were standoffish, General Krasnov agreed to put them at the disposal of Kerensky.

他们先从佩斯科夫向彼得格勒西南约40英里的格契纳进军，随后于10月28日推进至城郊的沙皇村。

They marched first from Peskov to Gecchina, about 40 miles Southwest of Petrograd, and then on October 28, moved forward to Tsarski Salo on the outskirts of the city.

克伦斯基试图争取那里的部队支持，但其中大部分士兵要么保持中立，要么支持布尔什维克。

Kerensky tried to win over the troops there, but most of them were either neutral or pro Bolshevik.

他们显然不会为克伦斯基而战。

They were certainly not going to fight for Kerensky.

与此同时，由于无法确定克伦斯基能集结多少兵力，布尔什维克方面仓促组织彼得格勒的防御。

In the meantime, not knowing exactly what forces Kerensky would be able to muster, the Bolsheviks scrambled to defend Petrograd.

他们物色到几名愿意指挥炮兵的正规军上校，将火炮部署在波尔科沃高地以防守城市西南通道。

They tracked down a couple of regular army colonels willing to oversee the artillery placed on the Polkovo Heights defending the southwest approach to the city.

在找不到更可靠人选的情况下，列宁启用了米哈伊尔·莫拉维约夫上校——这位胆识过人且野心勃勃的军官，曾以近乎幸灾乐祸的态度参与过七月份对布尔什维克的镇压行动。

Unable to find anyone more reliable, Lenin tapped colonel Mikhail Moraviev, an adventurous and ambitious officer known to have previously taken somewhat gleeful part in the suppression of the Bolsheviks back in July.

但布拉维亚夫发誓他非常乐意去狠狠打击克伦斯基，在没有更好选择的情况下，列宁和托洛茨基授予了他指挥权。

But Braviav swore he was more than happy to go blast the hell out of Kerensky, and without a better option, Lenin and Trotsky gave him command.

尽管托洛茨基也会亲自监督，而且莫拉维耶夫还被指派了几名政治监督员，命令他们一旦察觉他有丝毫背叛迹象就立即枪决他。

Although Trotsky would also be on hand to oversee things, plus Moraviev was assigned a couple of political minders with orders to put a bullet in his brain if he so much as hinted at betrayal.

他们随后成功命令、集结并动员了约10,000名隶属于军事革命委员会指挥链的士兵。

They then managed to order, rally, and harangue about 10,000 soldiers in the MRC chain of command.

这些士兵受命在普尔科沃高地挖壕固守，以保卫革命。

They were ordered to dig in on the Pulkovo Heights to defend the revolution.

与此同时，在彼得格勒城内，救亡委员会正从内部策动起义，以配合克伦斯基和克拉斯诺夫从外部发动的进攻。

Meanwhile, inside Petrograd, the Committee of Salvation was doing their part to instigate an uprising on the inside that would support Kerensky and Krasnov's invasion from the outside.

10月27日，他们向彼得格勒的市民和士兵发出号召。

On October 27, they issued a call to the citizens and soldiers of Petrograd.

武装起来抵抗布尔什维克军事革命委员会的疯狂冒险者，我们号召所有忠于革命的部队集结于尼古拉军事学院，团结在公共救亡委员会周围。

Armed to resist the mad adventurers of the Bolshevik MRC, we call on all loyal troops of the revolution to assemble at the Nikolai Military College and unite around the Committee of Public Salvation.

但问题是这样的。

But here's the thing.

没有人来。

No one came.

救国委员会唯一做到的，就是煽动了几百名军校学员发动了一场短暂的起义，占领了电话交换站的一个军事设施。

All the Committee of Salvation managed to do was incite a couple 100 military cadets to briefly launch a little revolt, taking over a military installation in the telephone exchange.

这些学员很快就被军事革命委员会部队镇压并被迫投降。

These cadets were quickly suppressed and forced to surrender by MRC forces.

但再没有人响应号召。

But no one else heeded the call.

彼得格勒驻军内部的动态自始至终都未曾改变。

The dynamic inside the Petrograd garrison remained what it had been from the start.

绝大多数人保持中立。

The vast majority were neutral.

其余的则支持布尔什维克。

The rest, pro Bolshevik.

尽管救世委员会自诩代表大众民主，对抗一小撮试图通过不得人心的政变夺权的集团，但他们不得不面对一个事实：虽然布尔什维克在街头的活跃支持者确实寥寥无几，但他们自己根本毫无群众基础。

For all their pretensions to representing popular democracy against a tiny clique trying to seize power in an unpopular coup d'etat, the Committee of Salvation had to confront the fact that while it was true the Bolsheviks only had a very little bit of active support in the streets, they themselves had none at all.

在盲人的国度里，独眼者称王。

In the kingdom of the blind, the one eyed man is king.

而在1917年10月，布尔什维克就是彼得格勒的独眼之王。

And in October 1917, the Bolsheviks were the one eyed kings of Petrograd.

然而直到10月30日，布尔什维克的冒险看起来确实连一周都撑不过。

Until October 30 though, it did really look like the Bolshevik adventure was not gonna last a week.

那天，克伦斯基和克拉斯诺夫率领着约千名哥萨克部队开始行动。

That was the day Kerensky and Krasnov put their force of about a thousand Cossacks in motion.

他们出发时，还坚信自己将在夺回的冬宫里举杯庆祝胜利，而布尔什维克们要么被杀要么躲藏起来。

When they set out, they believed they would be toasting victory in the reclaimed Winter Palace, and the Bolsheviks would all be dead or in hiding.

但随后发生了完全出乎意料的事情。

But then something very unexpected happened.

当哥萨克部队接近城郊的波科沃高地时，莫拉维亚夫和托洛茨基指挥的炮兵开始发射炮弹，将哥萨克部队炸得七零八落，迫使他们撤退，战场上留下了数百具尸体。

As the Cossacks approached the Pokovo Heights on the outskirts of the city, the artillery under Moraviaf and Trotsky started lobbing shells, blowing the Cossacks to pieces, forcing them to retreat, and leaving hundreds dead on the field.

他们完全没有预料到会遭遇如此顽强的抵抗。

They had absolutely not expected stubborn resistance.

他们压根没预料到会遇到任何抵抗。

They had not expected any resistance at all.

克伦斯基和克拉斯诺夫撤退回了卡奇纳。

Kerensky and Krasnov retreated back to Kachina.

士兵们愤怒至极。

The men were furious.

他们本就不情愿参战，现在彻底放弃了。

Having only reluctantly gone into battle, they were now done.

比以往任何时候都愤怒，这么多战友为克伦斯基的无谓主张白白送命。

Angrier than ever, so many of their comrades lay dead on Kerensky's worthless behalf.

被阴郁愤怒的士兵包围，且传言部队计划用克伦斯基向彼得格勒换取列宁时，克伦斯基曾考虑自杀。

Now surrounded by sullen and angry soldiers, and with rumors swirling the men planned to offer Kerensky to the troops in Petrograd in exchange for Lenin, Kerensky contemplated suicide.

但一小群忠诚的社会革命党人设法让他换上水手服和飞行眼镜，伪装后从总部逃脱。

But a small group of loyal SRs managed to break him out of headquarters by having Kerensky don a sailor's uniform and aviator glasses so nobody would recognize him.

本该助他重掌政权的军队如今成了追兵，克伦斯基将在接下来数月里流亡，潜伏在彼得格勒周边，始终坚信布尔什维克的统治不可能长久。

Escaping from the army that was supposed to be restoring him to power, Kerensky will spend the next several months on the run, lurking in the vicinity of Petrograd on the assumption the Bolsheviks couldn't possibly maintain their hold on power forever.

他刚好及时脱身。

And he got out just in time.

第三骑兵军于10月31日投降，并将克拉斯诺夫将军交给了布尔什维克。

The third cavalry corps surrendered on October 31 and handed General Krasnov over to the Bolsheviks.

波尔科沃小规模战斗彻底改变了彼得格勒内部的政治局势。

The Little Battle of Polkovo upended the political situation inside Petrograd.

救国委员会原先对布尔什维克采取高压手段，是假定他们很快会被优势军事力量击溃。

The Committee of Salvation had been high handed with the Bolsheviks on the assumption that they would be pretty quickly dispatched by a superior military force.

但随着第三骑兵军的投降，这样的军事力量已不复存在。

But with the surrender of the third Cavalry Corps, no such force now existed.

救国委员会修改了组建联合政府的条件，但列宁和托洛茨基此刻寸步不让。

The Committee of Salvation modified their terms for a coalition, but Lenin and Trotsky now had no interest in giving even an inch.

他们凭什么让步呢？

Why should they?

就连铁路工人工会的领导层现在也对实施威胁中的罢工犹豫不决。

Even the leaders of the railway workers union now hesitated to pull the trigger on their threatened strike.

他们甚至不再确定能否让工人支持罢工行动。

They were no longer sure they could even get their workers to go along with it.

感受到权力基础日益稳固，布尔什维克政府继续颁布法令，并于11月2日宣布了一项重大举措，旨在争取我们节目开头提到的四大重要群体中第四群体的支持。

Feeling their power base solidified, the Bolshevik government continued issuing decrees, and on November 2, they announced a big one aimed at securing the support of the fourth of those four important groups we talked about at the beginning of the show.

为争取帝国内少数民族的支持，列宁与民族事务人民委员斯大林联合签署了《俄罗斯各族人民权利宣言》。

Bidding for the support of the minority nationalities in the empire, Lenin and Chairman of Nationality Affairs Stalin issued a declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia.

这份宣言开篇宣告。

This declaration opened.

工农十月革命在解放的共同旗帜下开始了。

The October Revolution of the Workmen and Peasants began under the common banner of emancipation.

农民正从地主的权力中解放出来，因为土地不再有地主的财产权。

The peasants are being emancipated from the power of the landowners, for there is no longer the landowner's property right in the land.

它已被废除。

It has been abolished.

士兵和水手正从专制将军的权力中解放出来，因为从今以后将军将由选举产生并可被罢免。

The soldiers and sailors are being emancipated from the power of autocratic generals, for generals will henceforth be elective and subject to recall.

工人阶级正从资本家的反复无常和专断意志中解放出来，因为今后将建立工人对工厂和作坊的监督。

The working men are being emancipated from the whims and arbitrary will of the capitalists, for henceforth there will be established the control of the workers over mills and factories.

一切有生命力和生存能力的事物正从可憎的枷锁中解放出来。

Everything living and capable of life is being emancipated from the hateful shackles.

只剩下那些曾经并仍在遭受压迫与专制的俄罗斯各族人民，他们的解放必须立即开始，必须坚决而明确地实现其自由。

There remain only the peoples of Russia who have suffered and are suffering oppression and arbitrariness, and whose emancipation must immediately begin, whose liberation must be affected resolutely and definitely.

法令随后宣布了一项四点计划。

The decree then announced a four point program.

一、俄罗斯各民族平等与主权。

One, the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia.

二、俄罗斯各民族享有自由自决权，甚至包括分离和建立独立国家的权利。

Two, the right of the peoples of Russia to free self determination even to the point of separation and the formation of an independent state.

三、废除一切民族及民族宗教特权与限制。

Three, the abolition of any and all national and national religious privileges and disabilities.

四、居住在俄罗斯领土上的少数民族及人种群体享有自由发展权。

Four, the free development of national minorities and ethnographic groups inhabiting the territory of Russia.

如同我们今天讨论过的所有其他法令一样，这似乎是对中央集权统治的摒弃。

Like all the other decrees we've talked about today, this appeared to be a renunciation of centralized domination.

所有关于解放与自决的梦想正被全心全意地拥抱。

All the dreams of liberation and self determination were wholeheartedly being embraced.

即便帝国本身继续存在——这一点尚不完全明确——它也必将成为某种由自治民族组成的邦联。

Even if the empire itself continued, and it was not entirely clear that it would, it would certainly be some kind of confederation of autonomous peoples.

当我们审视布尔什维克上任第一周颁布的所有法令时，一个非常清晰的纲领便显现出来，这在《俄罗斯各族人民权利宣言》中强调解放、解放、解放时得到了重申。

When we take all the decrees issued by the Bolsheviks in their first week on the job, a very clear program emerges, and it was emphasized in the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia when it talked about emancipation, emancipation, emancipation.

工人、农民和少数民族都被告知，俄罗斯的未来将彻底去中心化，并在每个环节都强调地方自治。

Workers, peasants, and minority nationalities were all told the future of Russia would be radically decentralized and emphasizing at every point local self direction.

地方村庄和个别工厂委员会将掌握大部分权力。

The local village and the individual factory committee would wield most of the power.

少数民族群体将享有完全自治权。

Minority nationality groups would be completely autonomous.

这种倒置的权力结构几乎直接照搬了无政府主义者的理论。

It was an inverted power structure that was practically drawn straight out of the pages of the anarchists.

然而当这些法令在街头激增时，列宁和布尔什维克们同时却构建了与之完全相反的体制基础——一个高度集权的一党专政。

But while these decrees proliferated in the streets, Lenin and the Bolsheviks simultaneously crafted the foundation of the opposite of all that, a highly centralized one party dictatorship.

好吧，并非所有布尔什维克都如此。

Well, not all the Bolsheviks.

加米涅夫及其派系仍认为需要与其他社会主义政党组成联合政府才能生存下去。

Kamenev and his faction still believed they needed to enter some kind of coalition government with the other socialist parties in order to survive.

兼任苏维埃执委会主席的加米涅夫，不得不直接应对执委会中那些日益忧虑的左派社会革命党成员——他们发现列宁及其同僚正在未经辩论甚至协商的情况下颁布法令。

Kamenev also doubled as chairman of the Executive Committee of the Soviet, and so had to deal directly with the left SR members of that executive committee who were growing very concerned Lenin and his fellow commissars were just issuing decrees without debate or even consultation.

一位左派社会革命党人在会议上说道：'问责与细节上的严格秩序不仅对资产阶级政府是必需的。'

One left SR said in a session, Accountability and strict order in detail are mandatory not only for bourgeois government.

'我们不要玩弄辞藻，用个别可憎的词汇来掩盖自己的错误和过失。'

Let us not play on words and cover up our mistakes and blunders with a separate odious word.

'本质上属于人民的无产阶级政府，也必须允许对自身实施监督。'

Proletarian government, which is in its essence popular, must also allow controls over itself.

这种仓促炮制法令的行为，不仅常常充斥着你们额外的疏漏，而且往往文理不通，导致局势更加混乱。

This hasty cooking of decrees, which not only frequently abound in your additional omissions, are often illiterate, leading to still greater confusion of the situation.

反对组建一个仅由布尔什维克组成的政府，该政府单方面颁布的法令往往含糊不清且缺乏合理性，加米涅夫与其他六名委员因此辞去了政府职务，同时也退出了苏维埃执行委员会的领导职位及布尔什维克中央委员会的职务。

Opposing a move towards a government composed only of Bolsheviks that unilaterally issued decrees that were often vague and didn't make a lot of sense, Kamenev and a half dozen other commissars resigned their government posts, also their leading positions in the Soviet executive committee and their response on the Bolshevik Central Committee.

11月6日，他们发表声明为自己辩护称：‘我们认为有必要组建一个包含苏维埃所有政党的社会主义政府。’

On November 6, they published a statement defending themselves that said, we believe that it is necessary to form a socialist government, including all the parties of the Soviet.

唯有这样的政府才能确保工人阶级和革命军队在十月和十一月英勇斗争的成果。

Only such a government can assure the fruits of the heroic struggle of the working class and the revolutionary army in the October and November days.

我们认为，一个纯粹由布尔什维克组成的政府，只能通过政治恐怖手段来维持权力。

We believe that a government which is exclusively Bolshevik can maintain power only by political methods of terror.

人民委员会正走上这条道路。

The Council of People's Commissars is starting on this road.

我们不能追随它。

We cannot follow it.

这些预言般的言辞和警告，呼应了自1903年布尔什维克与孟什维克最初分裂以来列宁所有批评者的观点——他本质上不过是个铁腕独裁者。

These were prophetic words and a warning echoed by all of Lenin's critics going all the way back to the original Bolshevik Menshevik split in 1903, that at heart, he was nothing but an iron willed authoritarian.

但即便列宁显然正在建立一个体系，使他和其他布尔什维克委员能够颁布由布尔什维克主导的苏维埃执行委员会橡皮图章批准的法令，所有人都在布尔什维克党的纪律下行动——而事后看来，我们今天讨论的所有 的所有法令，都可能被视为赤裸裸的玩世不恭的伎俩，目的是麻痹群众。

But even as Lenin is very clearly setting up a system whereby he and the other Bolshevik commissars could issue decrees rubber stamped by the Bolshevik dominated Soviet Executive Committee, all acting under Bolshevik party discipline, and that, in retrospect, all of the decrees we talked about today might be taken as nakedly cynical ploys to lull the masses to sleep.

至少在目前阶段，从我的解读来看，列宁并非不认为群众会追随党，他们将共同前进，摧毁资产阶级国家机器，建立一个工人和农民掌权的新世界——这些法令不过是确保向无产阶级专政这一经典马克思主义意义上的决定性过渡所必需的临时紧急措施，历史上首次由多数人掌握权力。

It's not at all clear at this point, at least not in my reading, that Lenin didn't think the masses would follow the party and that they would all go forward together destroying the machinery of the bourgeois state and building a new world of worker and peasant power, that all of these decrees weren't just temporary emergency expedience necessary to secure the decisive transition towards the dictatorship of the proletariat in the classic Marxist sense that for the first time in history, the majority would wield power.

但下周，理论与幻想将开始与现实交锋。

But next week, theory and fantasy will begin to meet reality.

拖延已久的立宪会议选举于11月中旬开始，布尔什维克政府很快将不得不应对的威胁不仅来自克伦斯基或哥萨克、罢工的白领工人、资产阶级资本家、愤怒的自由派，还有俄罗斯的选民。

The long delayed elections to the constituent assembly began in mid November, and the Bolshevik government would very soon have to grapple with the threat posed not only by Kerensky or Cossacks, white collar workers on strike, bourgeois capitalists, angry liberals, but the voters of Russia.