中世纪晚期教会的磨难与考验

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在阿维尼翁一座冰冷的石砌建筑里，远处钟声与鹅毛笔在羊皮纸上沙沙作响的声音交织在一起。

In a chilly stone building in Avignon, the distant tolling of bells melded with the sound of pens scratching on parchment.

空气中隐约飘散着熏香和旧书的气味。

The air smelled faintly of incense and old books.

年轻人循着鹅毛笔的沙沙声走去。

A young man followed the sound of the scratching pens.

他轻柔的脚步声在打磨过的石质地板上回荡。

His soft footfalls echoed off the polished stone floors.

他停在一间挤满神职人员的宽敞房间前，这些人正埋头查阅账册。

He stopped when he got to a large room packed with clerics pouring over account books.

这位年轻人本身也是位新近被授予圣职的神父。

The young man was a priest himself, freshly ordained.

他的白色长袍和斗篷都是崭新的。

His white robes and cloak were brand new.

那年是1355年。

The year was 1355.

这位年轻人来到法国南部的阿维尼翁城，想在教皇的宫廷里谋求发展。

The young man had come here to the city of Avignon in Southern France to seek his fortune at the pope's court.

一位衣着华贵的教士从皮革装帧的账本上抬起头，打量着这位年轻神父。

One richly dressed clergyman looked up from his leather bound account book at the young priest.

他招手示意年轻人过去。

He waved him over.

他手指上镶金嵌宝的戒指在光线下闪闪发亮。

Light flashed off the gold and jewel encrusted rings decorating his fingers.

他脸上露出亲切的笑容。

A smile graced his face.

「外甥，」他说道，「你来了我真高兴。」

Nephew, he said, I'm so glad you've come.

年轻的牧师亲吻了他叔叔的戒指。

The young priest kissed his uncle's ring.

主教大人。

My lord bishop.

他并不清楚叔叔具体是哪里的主教，只知道他从自己的教区获取巨额收入，还兼任其他六七个不同职务的收益。

He didn't know what his uncle was bishop of exactly, just that he drew a vast income from his sea, along with revenues from a half dozen other assorted positions.

这位主教的实际工作是负责阿维尼翁教廷财务管理部门中一个复杂而专业的部门。

The bishop's actual job was overseeing an arcane and specialized section of the papacy's financial administration here in Avignon.

你来得正好，侄儿。

It's good you're here, nephew.

你表弟皮埃尔外出办事去了，不过纪尧姆表弟在这里。

Your cousin Pierre is out on an errand, but cousin Guillaume is over here.

他和艾蒂安表弟会教你该做什么。

He and cousin Etienne will show you what to do.

主教朝两个圆脸微胖的年轻牧师招了招手，他们正埋头处理一堆账本。

The bishop waved to a pair of round faced, well fed young priests huddled over a stack of account books.

这位年轻牧师毕竟今天是他第一天报到。

The young priest was This was his first day after all.

但在教廷行政机构里被家人环绕着，他开始放松下来。

But surrounded by family here in the papal administration, he began to relax.

他的前途一片光明。

His future looked bright.

中世纪晚期的教会，尤其是教廷在阿维尼翁城的那段时期，以其腐败、贪婪和裙带关系而臭名昭著。

The church of the late Middle Ages, and especially the century the papacy spent in the city of Avignon, is notorious for its corruption, its greed, and its nepotism.

这是中世纪晚期世界最重要机构充满危机与创新的时代。

It was a time of crisis and creativity in the late medieval world's most important institution.

这就是我们今天要探讨的内容。

That is what we'll talk about here today.

大家好。

Hi, everybody.

这里是Wondery出品的《历史潮汐》，我是帕特里克·韦德曼。

From Wondery, I'm Patrick Weidman, this is Tides of History.

感谢你的加入。

Thanks for joining me.

当我们想到中世纪时，首字母大写的'教会'是最先浮现在脑海中的事物之一。

When we think of the Middle Ages, the capital c church is one of the first things to come to mind.

我们很容易想象哥特式大教堂高耸入云的尖顶、几乎无所不能的教皇号召十字军东征，以及广阔修道院里吟诵经文的修士们。

We can easily picture the soaring heights of Gothic cathedrals, near omnipotent popes calling for crusades, and chanting monks in sprawling monasteries.

所有这些都真实存在过。

All of those things really existed.

尽管'中世纪'这个术语本身不够精确且定义模糊，但它可以被定义为（除其他特征外）一个信仰的时代。

As imprecise and amorphous a term as it is, the Middle Ages can be defined, among other things, as an age of faith.

制度化的教会既是这种信仰的载体，也是其表现形式。

The institutional church was the vehicle for and the expression of that faith.

到1300年时，西欧只有一个统一的教会，而且它无处不在。

By the year 1300, there was one singular church in Western Europe, and it was everywhere.

每个村庄都有自己的教区教堂，那里的神父可能是——也可能不是——信仰虔诚与生活纯洁的典范。

Every village had its parish church with a priest who may or may not have been a paragon of faith and clean living.

从西西里岛到苏格兰的乡间，遍布着拥有富饶土地的修道院。

Monasteries endowed with rich lands dotted the countryside from Sicily to Scotland.

方济各会和多明我会等游方修士在城镇中向热切的听众群体布道。

Wandering friars like Franciscans and Dominicans preached to eager crowds of listeners in cities and towns.

主教们从那些精致宏大的哥特式大教堂中统辖他们的教区。

Bishops ruled their seas from those delicately massive Gothic cathedrals.

而这一切的核心是通常驻在罗马的教皇，他操纵着整个庞大机器的运作。

At the center of it all was the pope, usually in Rome, pulling the levers of that whole vast machine.

虽然我们可以用宗教来定义中世纪晚期，但重要的是要理解这其中包含的矛盾。

But while we can define the late Middle Ages by religion, it's important to understand that this includes the paradoxes found within it.

一方面，这是信仰的黄金时代。

On the one hand, this was a golden age of faith.

平信徒们开创了展现虔诚的新途径。

Laypeople took creative new paths to showing their devotion.

他们组建了诸如兄弟会等新型宗教组织，以具体方式引导信仰和善行。

They formed new religious organizations like con fraternities to channel their faith and works in concrete ways.

《时辰书》——我们几个月前讨论过的那些 devotional 文本——为平信徒读者成百上千地印制。

Books of hours, those devotional texts we've talked about a few months back, were produced for lay readers by the hundreds and thousands.

这种日益高涨的民众情绪最终催生了宗教改革。

This was the rising tide of popular feeling that eventually produced the Reformation.

但另一方面，这也是教会体制面临危机的时期。

But on the other hand, this was a time of crisis for the institutional church.

中世纪教会在十三世纪上半叶达到了鼎盛。

The medieval church had reached its apex in the first half of the thirteenth century.

一连串强势教皇成功确立了自身作为欧洲最重要人物的地位。

A succession of powerful popes succeeded in establishing themselves as the most important figures in Europe.

他们是一个涵盖制度、财产、金钱和信仰的广泛网络中的核心人物。

They were the central figures in a wide ranging network of institutions, property, money, and beliefs.

但到十三世纪末，形势开始逆转。

But by the end of the thirteenth century, the tides were turning.

腐败蔓延，崛起的国家和君主夺回了教会苦心经营获得的权力与特权。

Corruption spread, and rising states and kings had snatched back the power and the privileges that the church had worked so hard to acquire.

教廷从罗马迁至法国南部的阿维尼翁。

The papacy fled Rome for Avignon in Southern France.

最终，两位教皇争夺最高权威，各自同时宣称拥有教皇头衔，并将对方逐出教会近四十年之久。

Eventually, two different popes strove for ultimate authority, each simultaneously claiming the title while excommunicating the other for nearly forty years.

这就是西方教会大分裂，它动摇了教会的根基。

This was the great Western schism, and it rocked the church to its core.

处于危机中的教会既是宗教改革的序幕，也是中世纪鼎盛时期教会荣耀的尾声。

This church in crisis is both a prologue to the Reformation and an epilogue to the glories of the high medieval church.

约从1300年开始的中世纪晚期教会，就处在这种尾声与序幕的双重状态之间。

The church of the late Middle Ages from about 1300 on is stuck between these two poles of epilogue and prologue.

一方面，教皇对整个欧洲的普世君主制曾看似触手可及，这些理念在当时依然存在。

On the one hand, universal papal monarchy over all of Europe had seemed so tantalizingly close, and those ideas were still present in this time.

另一方面，那些最终在十六世纪最初几十年冲破教会体制堤坝的思潮也已暗流涌动。

On the other hand, the currents that would eventually burst the dam of the institutional church in the first few decades of the sixteenth century were also present.

我们必须同时强调这个时期作为尾声与序幕的双重性，因为这是完整理解当时教会的唯一方式。

We need to emphasize both of these ideas of this period as epilogue and prologue simultaneously because it's the only way to fully understand the church of this time.

制度化的教会如何参与其中，尤其是作为核心的教皇制度，是本期节目的重点。

How the institutional church played into all of that, especially the papacy at the center of it all, is the focus of today's episode.

下期节目我们将稍作转向，探讨这一时期教会如何界定信仰与实践的边界，包括异端、猎巫和宗教裁判所。

Next time, we'll shift a bit and look at how the church in this time drew boundaries around belief and practice, heresy, witch hunts, and inquisition.

除了在宗教改革首期节目中的简要介绍外，我们确实没在《Tides》节目中花太多时间讨论制度化的教会。

Aside from a brief introduction in the first episode on the reformation, we haven't really spent much time here on Tides talking about the institutional church.

那么首先，让我们明确这个概念的具体含义。

So to begin, let's figure out exactly what that means.

到十三世纪末，中世纪教会已发展成一个庞大而包罗万象的组织。

By the end of the thirteenth century, the medieval church had become an immense, all encompassing organization.

它几乎渗透到每个西欧人的生活中。

It seeped into the lives of pretty much every Western European.

自十月的改革派教皇格里高利七世开始，历代教皇对权威的主张越来越强烈。

Beginning with the reforming pope Gregory the seventh in the October, popes had made greater and greater and greater claims to authority.

这一进程在十三世纪上半叶达到顶峰，出现了英诺森三世这样权势滔天的教皇。

This process culminated in the first half of the thirteenth century with powering popes like Innocent the third.

这一时期诞生了第四次拉特兰大公会议，确立了告解与圣体礼的要求，并提出了七项圣礼的概念。

This is the period that gave us the fourth Lateran Council with its requirements for confession and communion along with the idea of the seven sacraments.

十三世纪中叶还见证了宗教裁判所的兴起及对异端分子的系统性迫害。

The middle of the thirteenth century also saw the beginnings of Inquisition and the systematic persecution of heretics.

随着教皇权力的增长，教会对西欧基督徒生活的控制也日益加强。

As the power of the popes grew, so too did the church's grip on Christian lives in Western Europe.

在这一时期的巅峰，教皇本质上已成为神圣君主。

At its peak in this period, the popes were basically sacral monarchs.

他们是宣称对欧洲所有世俗君主拥有司法权的神圣统治者。

They were holy rulers who claimed jurisdiction over all the secular monarchs of Europe.

这些主张也并非虚张声势。

These claims weren't mere pretensions either.

教皇与国王间的冲突往往以教皇的胜利告终。

Conflicts between popes and kings often went in the pope's direction.

十二世纪末期，英格兰国王亨利二世与教皇亚历山大三世之间爆发了多次冲突。

In the late twelfth century, there were repeated conflicts between king Henry the second of England and pope Alexander the third.

这些冲突通常以亚历山大三世获胜告终。

Those conflicts usually played out in Alexander's favor.

亨利二世曾是欧洲最强大的世俗统治者。

Henry the second was the most powerful secular ruler in Europe.

这并不意味着教会整体上完全独立于世俗政权。

Now this doesn't mean that the church as a whole was independent of secular authority.

远非如此。

Far from it.

但相比之前或之后的时期，此时的教会确实拥有更高的自治权。

But it was way more self contained in this period than it had been before or would be after.

教皇权力的扩张伴随着一套强大的行政体系，以及为教会权威精心构建的法律依据。

The growth of papal power was accompanied by a formidable governmental apparatus and a sophisticated legal justification for church authority.

在中世纪盛期，人们绝不会轻率地冒犯教皇，甚至对主教也需谨言慎行。

You did not mess around with a high medieval pope or even a bishop lightly.

这样的行为将招致现世报应，更会危及灵魂的永恒救赎。

There were consequences both in this world and for your immortal soul.

到十三世纪末，这种局面开始逆转。

By the end of the thirteenth century, that situation was starting to reverse itself.

那个时代崛起的国家和君主们，比如英格兰的爱德华一世（《勇敢的心》里的反派），还有我们的老朋友法国美男子腓力四世，他们一有机会就从教会手中夺回权力和财富。

The rising states and kings of that age, guys like Edward the first of England, the bad guy in Braveheart, and our old friend Philip the fair of France, well, they snatched back power and wealth from the church whenever they could.

这里征一项税，那里占一块地，那边再夺取一些司法权。

A specific tax here, a piece of property there, some legal authority over there.

他们一点一点地蚕食，偶尔，这种权力的持续侵蚀会爆发成更加戏剧性的事件。

They chipped away piece by piece, and occasionally, that steady erosion of power boiled over into something much more dramatic.

不过在讲述那些戏剧性时刻之前，我们需要先退一步。

But before we reach those dramatic moments, we need to take a quick step back here.

我提到了教宗制度，但当我们说'教会'时究竟指的是什么？

I talked about the papacy, but what do we mean when we say the church?

我们该如何理解它？

How are we supposed to understand it?

这个问题没有简单的答案。

There's no simple answer to that question.

幸运的是，许多中世纪中后期的思想家对此非常关注。

Luckily, a lot of high and late medieval thinkers were really preoccupied with it.

他们给出了一些我们可以在此应用的答案。

They've given us some answers that we can apply here.

基本上，要真正理解中世纪教会的本质，我们需要从两个不同层面来思考。

Basically, to really grasp what the medieval church was, we have to think about it on two different levels.

首先，教会是一个神秘体（拉丁语：corpus mysticum），包含所有基督徒的集体身躯。

First, the church was a mystical body, a corpus mysticum in Latin, that contained within it the collective body of all Christians.

如果你是基督徒——特指西欧的基督徒——你就属于教会。

If you were a Christian, specifically a Christian in Western Europe, you belonged to the church.

这不是自愿选择的。

This was not voluntary.

其次，教会同时是一个具有财产所有权的法人团体。

Second, the church was at the same time a legal corporation that was capable of property ownership.

将这两者结合起来，你就得到了一个同时具备圣礼功能和管理职能，但二者间又存在某种距离的教会。

Put those two things together, and you've got a church that simultaneously had both sacramental and governmental functions but with a distance kind of between them.

教皇本人将这两种职能集于一身。

The person of the pope united those two functions.

他实际上就是整个教会的化身。

He literally embodied the church as a whole.

但这种对教会的描述只是概念性指引，而非实际描述。

But this description of the church is just a conceptual guide, not a practical description.

现实中，教会是由众多相互重叠的机构、职位、团体和个人组成的庞杂集合体。

In reality, the church was a sprawling and overlapping collection of institutions, offices, groups, and individual people.

其中存在着令人眼花缭乱的各类利益相关者。

There was a bewildering array of different stakeholders.

教皇当然位于等级制度顶端，拥有其集中化的官僚体系。

The pope sat at the top of the hierarchy, of course, with his centralized bureaucracy.

这个官僚体系被称为教廷（Curia）。

That bureaucracy was called the Curia.

教皇之下是主教们，与教区相连的大教堂教士团，以及隶属于主教的各个堂区。

Below the pope were bishops, cathedral chapters connected to their diocese, and individual parishes subject to bishops.

严格来说，修道院个体和整个修道会如西多会等，都处于这一等级体系之外。

Technically, outside that hierarchy were individual monastic houses and whole monastic orders, groups like the Cistercians.

还有四处游走的布道修会，最著名的有方济各会、多明我会、奥古斯丁会和加尔默罗会。

There were wandering preaching orders, most prominently the Franciscans, the Dominicans, the Augustinians, the Carmelites.

如果这还不够复杂的话，还有军事修会如圣殿骑士团、医院骑士团和条顿骑士团。

If that weren't enough, there were also military orders like the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic knights.

他们虽是骑士，但立下宗教誓言，组织形式类似修道会。

They were knights, but they took religious vows, and they were organized kind of like monastic orders.

更复杂的是，大学神学院系也是教会机构的利益相关方。

To make matters even more complicated, university theology faculties were also stakeholders in the institutional church.

除了这些宗教团体（指那些立过某种誓言并受教会法约束的人）外，还有平信徒虔信组织。

Alongside these groups of religious, meaning those who took some sort of vow and were subject to canon law, were lay devotional organizations.

最后是广大平信徒本身，即日常参加弥撒、依赖教会机构获得灵性指引的普通民众。

Finally, there was the mass of the laity itself, the everyday people who attended mass and who relied on the institutional church for spiritual guidance.

我还提到过将教会视为具有财产所有权能力的法人团体的概念。

I also mentioned the conception of the church as a legal corporation that was capable of property ownership.

我刚才提到的几乎所有团体——修道会、主教、教区、军事修会——都拥有财产，而且往往是极其庞大的财产。

Practically all of the groups I mentioned, monastic orders, bishops, diocese, military orders, they owned property, often huge, huge amounts of it.

这些大团体中的个别机构，比如单个修道院、军事修会的分院，甚至一个村庄的教区教堂，同样拥有财产。

Individual institutions within those broader groups, like a single monastic house or a single priory of a military order or even a village's parish church, likewise owned property.

从这个意义上说，教会就是庞大的财产集合体。

In this sense, the church was a vast collection of property.

这种将教会视为财产的概念不仅延伸到建筑和土地，甚至包括其职位——主教职位、教区神父职位、行政职位等，所有这些都伴随着收入。

This conception of the church as property extended not just to buildings and land, but even to its offices, a bishopric, a slot as a parish priest, an administrative post, and so on, all of which came with income.

这一时期的重要发展之一是将职务履行（无论是大城市的主教还是小村庄的教区神父）与相关收入分离开来。

One of the major developments of this period was the separation of the performance of an office, whether it was the bishop of a major city or the parish priest of a small village, from the income that went along with it.

换句话说，你可以担任英格兰温彻斯特主教一职，收取该职位带来的巨额收入，却从未踏足温彻斯特教区。

So in other words, you could hold the office of bishop of Winchester in England and collect the huge amount of revenue that came along with that office without ever setting foot in the diocese of Winchester.

你可以担任诺曼底村庄圣尼古拉（我们在农民专题中提到的那个地方）的教区神父，却从未在那里主持过弥撒。

You could hold the office of parish priest in the Norman village of San Nicolas, a place we encountered back in our peasants episode, without ever performing a mass there.

只要任职者从收取的收入中支付报酬找人实际履职，他就可以坐享其成。

As long as an officeholder paid somebody to actually do the job from the revenues he collected, he could just sit pretty and get paid.

这种不履行职责却收取收入的行为被称为'圣俸'。

This collection of income without performing the duty was called a benefice.

这一现象在十三至十四世纪变得越来越普遍。

It became increasingly common throughout the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries.

到十四世纪末，神职人员同时兼任多个圣俸职位已很常见。

By the end of the fourteenth century, it was common for clergy to hold multiple benefices simultaneously.

这种操作被称为'兼领圣俸'。

This practice was called pluralism.

显然，这种圣俸制度存在极高的滥用风险。

Obviously, the potential for abuse of this system of benefices was pretty high.

它散发着腐败气息，并一直困扰着教会直到宗教改革时期。

It reeked of corruption, and it would plague the church all the way down to the Reformation.

这也为与世俗权力产生冲突埋下了诸多隐患。

This also created a lot of potential for conflict with secular powers.

例如，某个教会职位或机构的收入实际上可能归国王或贵族所有。

For example, the revenue from a church office or an institution might actually be owned by a king or a noble.

随着十三世纪接近尾声，教廷已演变成一个臃肿不堪的庞然大物。

As the thirteenth century drew to a close, the papacy had become an overgrown monstrosity.

它的触角无处不在。

Its tentacles were everywhere.

其过度扩张的权威不断试图攫取新的管辖权，同时竭力维持已有势力范围。

Its overstretched authority consistently tried to grab hold of new jurisdictions while fighting to maintain what it already had.

罗马超负荷运转的中央官僚机构被大量请求介入地方事务的请愿书所淹没。

Petitions and requests for involvement in local affairs bombarded the overloaded central bureaucracy in Rome.

但与此同时，教廷权威正遭受多方攻击。

At the same time, though, the authority of the papacy was under attack.

其威望因十三世纪下半叶一系列事件严重受损，包括与世俗统治者无休止的冲突，以及多次混乱且有争议的教皇选举。

Its prestige had been shot by a series of events in the second half of the thirteenth century, including ceaseless conflict with secular rulers and a series of confused and disputed papal elections.

雪上加霜的是，各地神职人员团体开始抵制教廷日益严苛的财政要求。

To make matters worse, groups of local and regional clergy resisted its increasingly harsh financial demands.

但这一时期崛起的诸王国，才是对教皇权威构成的最大挑战。

But it was the rising states of this period that represented the greatest challenge to papal authority.

这场日益严重的冲突涉及多个战线，但其中最激烈的当属1300年12月我们的老熟人——法国美男子腓力与教皇卜尼法斯八世之间的对抗。

There were several fronts in this increasingly serious conflict, but the hottest of those fronts was the clash between our old friend, Philip the Fair of France, and Pope Boniface the eighth in the December and the thirteen hundreds.

这场冲突的核心问题在于：谁有权向神职人员征税。

The core issue at play here was who had the right to tax the clergy.

众所周知，美男子腓力当时正面临多场战争。

Philip the fair, as we know, had wars to fight.

我们都知道这些战争耗费有多么巨大。

We know how expensive those wars could be.

他治下的神职人员非常富有，他们的收入唾手可得。

His kingdom's clergy was rich, and their revenues were right there for the plucking.

教皇卜尼法斯八世并不打算满足腓力的要求，因为坦白说，这不仅仅是收入问题。

The pope, Boniface the eighth, was not inclined to give Philip the fair what he wanted because, let's be honest, it wasn't just about the revenue.

这更是一个权威问题。

It was also a question of authority.

卜尼法斯用开除教籍的威胁来支持他的言论——如果腓力未经教皇同意就对神职人员征税，将面临这一惩罚。

Boniface backed up his rhetoric with the threat of excommunication for Philip if he taxed the clergy without papal consent.

教皇在1302年又颁布了一道令人震惊的教宗诏书《一圣教谕》作为回应。

The pope followed that up in thirteen o two with a breathtaking papal bull called Unum Sanctum.

《一圣教谕》的核心要义在于它一劳永逸地将教皇置于世俗统治者之上。

The whole point of Unum Sanctum was that it put the pope above secular rulers once and for all.

虽然此前也有过对教皇权威的主张，但这次的做法堪称石破天惊。

There had been claims to papal authority before, but this was something breathtakingly new.

作为回应，腓力直接指控教皇是异端分子。

Philip, as a result of this, called the pope a heretic.

卜尼法斯八世随即宣布将美男子腓力逐出教会。

Boniface promptly excommunicated Philip the fair.

对卜尼法斯八世不利的是，这场与腓力的持续冲突恰好与教廷的另一大忧虑——罗马城错综复杂的混乱政局——交织在了一起。

Unfortunately for Boniface the eighth, that ongoing conflict with Philip the Fair happened to intersect with another major concern of the papacy, the labyrinthine screwed up politics of the city of Rome.

无需深入探究那些复杂的家族仇杀与世仇，只需知道教皇们与这座他们称之为家的城市关系紧张就够了。

Without going too far into a complex morass of clan rivalries and vendettas, it's enough to say that the popes had a contentious relationship with the city they called home.

如何掌控这座被豪门望族支配的城市里永无休止的争斗，始终是教廷的心头大患。

Managing the nonstop fighting between the powerful families who dominated the city was a constant concern.

这些家族，如奥尔西尼和科隆纳，不仅为争夺城市而战。

These families, like the Orsini and the Colonna, didn't just fight over the city.

他们在教皇选举中也颇具影响力，并经常从本家族中推举出教皇。

They were also influential in papal elections, and they often produced popes from within their own ranks.

与法国国王的冲突加上罗马强大氏族间的频繁纠纷，引发了一场规模空前的危机。

The combination of conflict with the king of France and the regular trouble with Rome's powerful clans created a crisis of enormous proportions.

1303年，法国国王美男子菲利普派遣他的顾问纪尧姆·德·诺加雷去活捉博尼法斯并夺取其财宝。

In thirteen o three, king Philip the fair of France sent one of his counselors, a guy named Guillaume de Nogare, to physically capture Boniface and take his treasury.

诺加雷与博尼法斯最危险的敌人之一科隆纳家族联手，成功抓获了博尼法斯。

In conjunction with the Colonna family, one of Boniface's most dangerous enemies, Nogare seized Boniface.

他直接掳走了博尼法斯，在罗马郊外的阿纳尼城将其扣为人质。

He literally grabbed him and took him hostage at the town of Anani outside Rome.

据记载博尼法斯遭到殴打，几乎被处决。

Boniface was apparently beaten and very nearly executed.

当地居民最终解救了这位饱受折磨的教皇，但一个月后博尼法斯便去世了。

The townspeople managed to free the beleaguered pope, but Boniface died a month later.

这一事件的发展令人震惊。

This was a shocking turn of events.

继博尼法斯之后的教皇们非常清楚法国国王能够且将会对他们采取何种行动。

The popes who followed Boniface were hyper aware of what the French king could and would do to them.

他们也意识到罗马城本身如何加剧了博尼法斯的困境。

They were also aware of how the city of Rome itself had played into Boniface's problems.

因此，一位名为克莱门特五世的新教皇启程前往法国。

And so a new pope named Clement V hit the road and headed for France.

在接下来的大半个世纪里，该地区南部的阿维尼翁城将成为教皇的驻地。

The city of Avignon in the south of the region would be home to the papacy for most of the next century.

1620年，一艘名为五月花号的破损商船横渡大西洋启航。

In the 1620, a battered merchant ship called the Mayflower set sail across the Atlantic.

船上载有102名男女老少，他们孤注一掷，只为在新大陆重新开始。

It carried 102 men, women, and children, risking it all to start again in the New World.

嗨。

Hi.

我是林赛·格雷厄姆，《美国历史讲述者》的主持人。

I'm Lindsey Graham, the host of American History Tellers.

每周，我们将带你回顾塑造美国的关键时刻。

Every week, we take you through the moments that shaped America.

而在最新一季中，我们探索了清教徒鲜为人知的故事，这个故事远不止于第一个感恩节的熟悉传说。

And in our latest season, we explore the untold story of the Pilgrims, one that goes far beyond the familiar tale of the first Thanksgiving.

在科德角登陆后，清教徒与万帕诺亚格人建立了意想不到的联盟，后者帮助他们度过了有史以来最严酷的冬天，为强大的国家神话奠定了基础。

After landing at Cape Cod, the Pilgrims forged an unlikely alliance with the Wampanoag people who helped the Pilgrims survive the most brutal winter they'd ever known, laying the foundation for a powerful national myth.

但这个故事的背后还隐藏着另一个故事，充满了冲突、背叛以及对曾帮助清教徒生存之人的残酷暴力。

But behind that story lies another, one of conflict, betrayal, and brutal violence against the very people who helped the Pilgrim survive.

在Wondery应用或你获取播客的任何平台订阅《美国历史讲述者》。

Follow American History Tellers on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.

你现在就可以在Wondery Plus上提前无广告连播《美国历史讲述者》五月花号全季内容。

You can binge all episodes of American History Tellers the Mayflower early and ad free right now on Wondery Plus.

短短几年间，Ozempic就从一种糖尿病药物演变成了全球现象。

In just a few years, Ozempic has gone from a diabetes drug to a global phenomenon.

但在这些神奇疗效的宣传背后，另一场战役正在激烈展开。

But behind the miracle claims, another battle is raging.

需求激增，供应却跟不上节奏，诺和诺德制药公司正竭力增产，而其竞争对手礼来公司则全力争夺王座。

Demand is exploding, supply can't keep up, and as drugmaker Novo Nordisk scrambles to produce more, its rival Eli Lilly is racing to take the crown.

与此同时，一个更黑暗的市场正在浮现。

Meanwhile, a darker market is emerging.

不法网络卖家正在兜售廉价的非正规仿制品。

Shady online sellers are offering cheap unregulated knockoffs.

如今数百万人正在注射未经FDA监管的来历不明药剂。

Now millions are injecting mystery vials with no FDA oversight.

我是大卫·布朗，《商业战争》的主持人。

I'm David Brown, host of Business Wars.

在本季节目中，我们将深入探讨Ozempic的研发竞赛，以及制药巨头之间数十亿美元的对决。

In our latest season, we're diving into the race to Ozempic and the billion dollar showdown between big pharma's biggest players.

他们能否在问题药剂摧毁一切之前，解决供应短缺的危机？

Can they close the supply gap before one bad vial destroys everything?

请确保在Wondery应用或您获取播客的任何平台关注《商业战争》。

Make sure to follow Business Wars on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.

您现在就可以在Wondery Plus上提前无广告畅听《商业战争》的所有剧集。

You can binge all episodes of Business Wars early and ad free right now on Wondery Plus.

阿维尼翁教廷时期——即这段教廷驻跸法国南部城市的历史——自1309年开始就几乎一直背负恶名。

The Avignon Papacy, as this period of residence in the southern French city is called, has gotten a bad rap pretty much since it started in thirteen o nine.

例如著名的人文主义宗主教曾称其为'教会的巴比伦之囚'。

The famous humanist Patriarch, for example, called it, quote, the Babylonian captivity of the church.

这可不是什么赞美之词。

That was not a compliment.

我们谈论的是堕落、贪婪、腐败、以及史诗级的裙带关系——对阿维尼翁教廷而言不过是家常便饭。

We're talking decadence, greed, corruption, nepotism on an epic scale, all just another day's work for the Avignon papacy.

这些批评确有真实成分，但故事还有另一面。

Now there's some real truth to that, but there's also another story here.

这是一个关于根本制度变革、有效财政政策、高效官僚治理以及健全财政收入管理的故事。

It's one of fundamental institutional change, effective fiscal policy, efficient bureaucratic governance, and the sound management of revenues.

我们在节目中多次讨论过所谓'国家的崛起'，将其视为这一时期的标志性特征之一。

We've talked a lot about the quote unquote rise of the state on this show as one of the hallmarks of this period.

没有哪个中世纪晚期的政体比阿维尼翁教廷更具国家特征。

No late medieval polity was more state like than the Avignon papacy.

教廷处理事务的方式对教皇权力范围之外产生了深远影响。

How the papacy handled its business had a long and influential future outside the confines of papal power.

在继续之前，我想回到一个话题：灵性生活的繁荣与教会制度在象征和实际层面陷入危机的明显悖论。

I wanna come back to something before we continue, the apparent paradox of flourishing spiritual life and church institutions in figurative and literal crisis.

尽管整个教会尤其是教廷在组织架构和财政收入上锱铢必较，但信徒的宗教生活却达到了前所未有的深度与丰富。

Even as the church in general and the papacy in particular were organizing and squeezing for revenues, devotional life had never been deeper or richer.

因此当我描述这一时期教会的制度现实时，这是对权力和组织结构的评价，而非灵性生活的质量。

So when I describe the institutional realities of the church at this point in time, it's a comment about power and organizational structures, not the quality of spiritual life.

我们必须理解教会作为神秘圣体与作为财产持有机构之间的本质区别。

We have to understand this essential division between the church as a mystical body and the church as a property holding corporation.

那么教皇们究竟为何最终定居阿维尼翁？

So how and why did the popes end up living in Avignon?

阿维尼翁是座落在罗纳河畔的城市，位于现今法国南部。

Avignon is a city nestled along the Rhone River in what's now Southern France.

由于这一地理位置，长期以来人们认为阿维尼翁的教皇们实质上是一系列专横法国国王的傀儡，从声名狼藉的美男子腓力开始。

Because of this location, for a long time, the implication was that the Avignon popes were effectively tools of an overbearing series of French kings, beginning with the notorious Philip the Fair.

其推理逻辑如下。

The reasoning goes like this.

阿维尼翁当时属于法国，教皇是法国人，教廷官僚体系和枢机主教团也充斥着法国人。

Avignon was in France, the popes were French, and the papal bureaucracy and the College of Cardinals were packed full of Frenchmen.

这种思路的结论是：阿维尼翁教皇们只是法国国王的傀儡。

The upshot of this line of thought is that the Avignon popes did what the French kings told them to do.

这种说法有一定现实依据，但远非事情的全貌。

Now that has some basis in reality, but it's a long way from the whole story here.

首先，阿维尼翁现在属于法国，但在十四世纪最初几十年并非如此。

First, Avignon is now in France, but that was not the case in the first decades of the thirteen hundreds.

当时它是教皇领地。

It was papal territory.

虽然它毗邻效忠于美男子腓力的领地，但阿维尼翁并不受法国国王管辖。

It wasn't subject to the king of France, though it was adjacent to lands that owed their allegiance to Philip the fair.

其次，关于教皇是法国人的说法。

Second, we have the contention that the popes were French.

这在一定程度上是事实，但回想一下关于百年战争的几集内容。

That's kind of true, but think back to the episodes on the Hundred Years' War.

当时的法国只是由效忠法国国王的各个领地组成的集合体。

France was just a collection of territories bound together by allegiance to the French king.

法国并不包括我们现在认为的所有法国领土。

France didn't include everything that we now consider France.

将教廷迁至阿维尼翁的克雷芒五世，其实出生于阿基坦地区。

Clement the fifth, who moved the papacy to Avignon, had been born in Aquitaine.

阿基坦当时归英格兰国王统治，而非法国国王。

Aquitaine was subject to the king of England, not the king of France.

其他阿维尼翁教皇同样来自阿基坦或朗格多克地区，而非那些领主与法国国王有封建关系的领地。

Other Avignon popes likewise came from Aquitaine or the Languedoc rather than territories whose lords had a feudal relationship with the king of France.

他们中许多人甚至不会说法语。

A lot of them didn't even speak French.

阿维尼翁教廷在枢机主教团中安插的人员也是如此。

The same goes for the people the Avignon popes stuffed into their bureaucracy in the College of Cardinals.

来自这些地区并不意味着对法国国王的绝对忠诚。

Coming from those territories did not imply unswerving loyalty to the king of France.

事实上，阿维尼翁教皇确实受到法国王室的影响，尤其是在初期。

Now the reality is that the Avignon popes were subject to influence from the French crown, especially at the beginning.

别忘了，法国国王刚刚强行扣押了一位教皇——那位不幸的博尼法斯。

Remember, a French king had just forcibly grabbed a pope, that unfortunate bonafice.

当时教廷的声望正处于低谷。

The institution's prestige wasn't exactly at a high point.

更糟的是，这正值腓力四世对圣殿骑士团发动真正的猎巫行动之际。

To make matters worse, this was right when Philip the Fair launched his literal witch hunt against the Knights Templar.

任何明智的观察者——教皇克莱门特五世绝非愚钝之人——都清楚与法国国王作对的下场。

It was clear to any intelligent observer, and pope Clement the fifth was far from a moron, what could happen if he crossed the king of France.

这就是教廷迁至阿维尼翁的历史背景。

This was the context in which the papacy showed up at Avignon.

大多数情况下，阿维尼翁教皇来自法国，他们用该地区的人填满教廷机构，并推行与法国国王利益一致的政策。

For the most part, the Avignon popes came from France, they filled their institutions with people from that area, and they pursued policies that were aligned with the king of France.

他们这样做并非因为自己是傀儡工具。

They didn't do that because they were tools.

而是因为这符合他们的自身利益。

They did that because it aligned with their self interest.

支撑教廷的税收网络在法国最为密集。

The network of tax collections that sustained the papacy was densest in France.

财政收入主要来源于此，因此重点经营该地区合情合理。

That was where the revenues came from, so it made good sense to focus on it.

与此同时，阿维尼翁教皇们都是精明的政治家。

Alongside that, the Avignon popes were canny politicians.

他们希望被忠诚者环绕，而他们的支持基础在法国，所以任用这些领地的人选并不令人意外。

They wanted to be surrounded by loyalists, and their bases of support were in France, so it shouldn't come as a surprise that they brought on people from those territories.

尽管如此，教廷机构的人员填充规模之大还是相当惊人的。

Still, the sheer scale of the packing of the papacy's institutions was pretty wild.

这一时期任命的枢机主教中，83%都是法国人。

83% of the cardinals created during this period were French.

教皇任期也有超过70%的时间由法国人占据。

So was more than 70% of the papal period.

对于一个本应是泛欧洲的机构来说，教会的最高层看起来却可疑地法国化。

For what was supposed to be a trans European institution, the highest levels of the church looked suspiciously French.

阿维尼翁教皇们臭名昭著的任人唯亲正是这一现象的典型表现。

The notorious nepotism of the Avignon popes was part and parcel of this.

如果说忠诚很重要，那还有谁比家人更忠诚呢？

If loyalty was good, who was more loyal than family?

因此我们能看到，仅以这一时期众多例子中的一个为例，克雷芒五世就提拔了五位近亲担任要职。

And so we end up with Clement V elevating five of his close relatives to high positions, to name just one of many examples from this period.

所有这些都引出了一个更深层的问题：阿维尼翁教廷与法国国王的密切关系。

All this ties into the deeper question of the Avignon papacy's ties to the king of France.

如果法国就在阿维尼翁隔壁，教皇依赖的人员都讲法语，且教皇的收入主要来自法国，那么教皇与国王有某些共同点也就说得通了。

If France was right next door to Avignon and the personnel the pope relied on were French speaking and the pope's revenues largely came from France, well, it made sense that pope and king would have some things in common.

事实上，他们的利益确实是一致的。

Their interests did, in fact, align.

最重要的是，阿维尼翁的教皇们想要夺回他们逃离至阿维尼翁安全地带时遗留在意大利中部的领土。

More than anything else, the Avignon popes wanted to retake the territory in Central Italy that they'd left behind when they fled for the safety of Avignon.

这片被称为教皇国的领土，是一个富饶而强大的根据地，能够提供可观的财政收入。

This territory, the Papal States, was a rich and potent home base that could be tapped for substantial revenues.

这也是一种意识形态权力的来源。

It was also a source of ideological power.

教皇的至高地位依赖于其作为罗马主教、圣彼得的继任者，即耶稣承诺在其上建立教会的磐石。

The pope's supremacy depended on being the bishop of Rome, the successor of Saint Peter, the rock upon whom Jesus promised to build his church.

若无法掌控罗马及其周边地区，这一切都显得有些不牢靠。

Without control over Rome and its surrounding area, all of that was a little iffy.

自教皇们离开罗马前往阿维尼翁之日起，他们就一直渴望回归。

From the day the popes left Rome for Avignon, they wanted to go back.

他们为这一目标投入了巨大的资源。

They devoted tremendous resources to pursuing that goal.

他们与法国国王合作的最大原因是国王们也有同样的目标。

The biggest reason they went along with the kings of France was because the kings shared that goal.

这纯粹是利益的重叠，而非一群软弱的法国教皇向他们的法国领主俯首称臣。

It was literally just overlapping self interest, not a bunch of weak French popes bowing to their natural French overlord.

如果能换来法国国王对代价高昂、旷日持久的军事行动的支持，以夺回意大利中部的大片领土，那么与法国国王的些许妥协是值得的。

A little give and take with the king of France was worth it if it meant support for expensive, grinding military campaigns to retake huge chunks of Central Italy.

想要收回教皇国的愿望，是我们理解阿维尼翁教廷最重要问题的根源。

The desire to get back the Papal States lies at the root of the biggest thing we need to understand about the Avignon papacy.

有一件事在当时的人们眼中以负面方式定义了它，至今仍是如此。

There was one thing that defined it in negative terms for contemporaries above all else and which continues to define it now.

那就是金钱。

That thing is money.

当像彼特拉克这样的批评者抨击教廷的贪婪腐败及其‘巴比伦之囚’时，他们指的就是这个。

When critics like Petrarch railed against the greed and the corruption of the papacy and its Babylonian captivity, this is what they're talking about.

那么为什么关注点在于金钱呢？

So why the focus on money?

这主要与教皇国有关。

It mostly revolves around the papal states.

如同中世纪的国王们，教皇也被期望依靠自己的收入生活，即来自他们直接控制的领土而非征税所得。

Like medieval kings, popes were expected to live off their own revenues, meaning the income from the territories they controlled directly rather than having to tax.

正如我们在百年战争和农民相关剧集中讨论过的，这是统治者与被统治者之间持续冲突的根源。

Like we talked about back in the episodes in the Hundred Years' War and the one on peasants, this was a constant source of conflict between rulers and ruled.

征税是统治工具的一部分，但人们预期这种情况应属罕见。

Tax levies were part of the toolkit of rulership, but the expectation was that this would be rare.

若无法从直接控制的教皇国领土获取直接收入，征税就成了唯一选择。

Without the revenue that popes could extract directly from the papal states from the territory that they had directly controlled, taxation was the only option.

他们为何需要这些资金？

And why did they need that money?

当然是为了收复教皇国。

Well, to retake the papal states, of course.

战争开销极其昂贵。

Warfare was expensive.

这一切形成了完美的闭环。

It was all incredibly circular.

为夺回失地而持续不断的军事行动提供资金——这些行动成功后理论上能让教廷自给自足——正是驱动这台日益贪婪且高效的财政机器的引擎。

Paying for seemingly ceaseless campaigns to take back this lost territory, which would then presumably allow the papacy to pay for itself, was the engine that drove an increasingly rapacious and efficient financial machine.

这台财政机器是阿维尼翁教廷的核心命脉。

This financial machine was the heart and soul of the Avignon papacy.

这些资金有多个来源。

All that money came from several sources.

首要来源是圣职俸禄税。

First and foremost, it came from taxes on benefices.

这些是与教会职务相关的俸禄。

These were the salaries associated with church office.

但正如我们讨论过的，领取俸禄者并不需要实际履行相关职务。

But as we talked about, these salaries didn't mean that the holder of the revenue actually had to perform that office.

这些可是美差，所以教廷从中抽取了相当可观的税收。

These were pretty sweet gigs, so the papacy took a nice cut off the top as tax revenue.

这类职位数以千计，因此形成了相当庞大的资金池。

There were thousands of these posts, so that was a pretty big pot of money.

更妙的是，教皇的税务官还会向那些未来想获得圣俸的求职者收取费用。

Even better, the papal tax collectors also collected fees from office seekers who wanted to hold a benefice in the future.

这被称为圣职任命费，同样利润丰厚。

This was called a collation, and it too was highly lucrative.

资金还来自那些希望通过教会法庭或直接向教皇提起诉讼的请愿者支付的费用。

Money also came from fees paid by petitioners who wanted to bring a case through the church courts or directly to the pope.

现在想想看：

Now think about this.

当时神职人员数量庞大，教会持有的资产规模巨大。

There was a vast number of clergy, and the scale of church holdings was huge.

再加上这种背景下可能出现的各种冲突和案件的数量之多，这又构成了另一大笔进账。

Couple that with the sheer number of different conflicts and cases that could come up in this context, and that was another big pile of incoming cash.

第三，还有各种其他小额费用。

Third, there was a variety of other petty fees.

如果征税官能为某些小过失定价，教廷就会从中抽成。

If a tax collector could put a price on some small misdeed, the papacy would take a cut of it.

以众多例子之一来说，不愿按规定巡视所辖教区的主教可以支付罚款来逃避这一职责。

Bishops who didn't wanna do the required visitations of the parishes within their seas could pay a fine to avoid doing it, to name just one of many examples.

第四，那些接受教皇附庸地位的王国和领地需缴纳宗主贡金。

Fourth, kingdoms and territories that had accepted the status of vassal to the pope paid seniorial dues.

这与任何其他封建关系中土地贵族向国王缴纳的贡赋相同。

These were the same as a landholding noble would pay to the king in any other feudal relationship.

这些也并非小国寡民。

These weren't small fry kingdoms either.

这一类别包括英格兰、阿拉贡、那不勒斯和西西里，因此涉及的金额可能非常可观。

The category included England, Aragon, Naples, and Sicily, So the amounts of money involved could be really substantial.

第五点也是最后一点，还有特殊税和什一税。

Fifth and finally, there were special taxes and tides.

这些税收在征收对象中引起了最大的恐慌，也引发了最多关于腐败与贪婪的质疑。

These were the ones that caused the most consternation among their targets, the most questions about corruption and greed.

这些特别费用常被冠以'十字军税'的名目，但实际上根本没人打算派遣志愿军去圣地夺回耶路撒冷。

The special fees were often billed as, quote, unquote, crusade taxes, but nobody was planning on sending an army of volunteers to the Holy Land to retake Jerusalem.

而所谓的'十字军行动'，实则是雇佣雇佣兵为教廷从其他基督徒手中夺回教皇国领土。

Instead, the, quote, unquote, crusade in question meant hiring mercenaries to retake the Papal states for the papacy from people who were obviously Christians themselves.

若你觉得这听起来不太正当，那么与你持相同看法的人可不在少数。

If that sounds kind of questionable to you, well, you got plenty of company.

每一项收入来源单独来看都利润丰厚。

Each of these different sources of income was individually lucrative.

若将所有收入汇总，其敛财潜力简直令人瞠目。

Put them all together, and you've got a mind boggling potential for revenue.

为了统筹管理这些财富，阿维尼翁的教皇们大幅扩充了行政机构规模，无论是在阿维尼翁本地还是整个欧洲范围。

In order to organize and keep track of all that, the Avignon popes drastically increased the size of their administration, both in Avignon itself and throughout Europe.

他们任命了31名专业征税官，每人在庞大团队的协助下分管特定区域。

They appointed specialized collectors, 31 in all, each of whom administered a particular region with the help of an extensive staff.

这些巡回征税员以腐败著称，广受憎恶。

These traveling collectors were famously corrupt and widely hated.

根据历史学家乔尔·罗洛·科斯特（Joel Rolo Coaster）的说法——我在本节中多次参考了他关于阿维尼翁教廷的著作——这些罪行在规模和种类上都荒谬得令人咋舌。

According to the historian Joel Rolo Coaster, whose book on the Avignon papacy I've consulted throughout this section, the crimes could be ridiculous in both their extent and their variety.

其中一位名叫让·伯尼耶（Jean Bernier）的征税员，后来被指控犯下了一长串令人难以置信的罪行。

One collector, a guy named Jean Bernier, was later accused of an incredible list of crimes.

这里列举几项供您‘欣赏’。

Here's a few for your enjoyment.

贪污行政款项、虚报税率、对生者与死者施以绝罚、威胁勒索、伪造假文件。

Robbing the administration, cheating on taxation rates, excommunicating both the living and the dead, threatening and ransoming, and forging fake documents.

另一位征税官让·德·帕尔米斯面临35项指控，从强奸到用圣杯饮酒，不一而足。

Another collector, Jean de Palmis, was charged with 35 total accusations ranging from rape to drinking from holy chalices.

为支持这些官员，阿维尼翁日益壮大的中央团队负责整理并记录所有这些活动。

To support these officials, there was a growing centralized staff in Avignon who collated and kept track of all this activity.

在与货币兑换商、出纳等专业代理人的协同下，这个确保资金顺畅流入阿维尼翁的金融体系被称为'财政厅'。

In conjunction with specialized agents like money changers and cashiers who kept the funds flowing smoothly to Avignon, this financial machine was known as the chamber.

教会内部不断膨胀的官僚机构不止财务院一个。

The chamber wasn't the only growing bureaucracy within the church.

还有负责处理请愿、绝罚、赦免、信函及大量其他事务的文书院。

There was also the chancery, which dealt with petitions, excommunications, absolutions, correspondence, and a ton of other stuff.

该机构常年雇佣着数百名秘书、书记员及其他官员。

At any given time, it employed hundreds of secretaries, scribes, and other officials.

这些活动的庞大规模令人难以想象。

The sheer scale of this activity can be hard to grasp.

十四世纪期间，文书院产生了约50万份文件。

The chancery produced some 500,000 documents during the fourteenth century.

这个数量大约是十三世纪的十倍。

That's about 10 times as many as during the thirteenth century.

这意味着阿维尼翁拥有支撑教皇日常运作的庞大官僚体系。

Now all of this meant that Avignon was home to a massive bureaucratic apparatus that supported the papacy's ongoing efforts.

它从欧洲各地吸纳巨额资金，并将这些款项投入各类项目。

It sucked in vast sums of money from all across Europe and turned those funds toward a variety of projects.